Near-death experiences in India: They have tunnels too.
Juan S. GSmez-Jeria
Journal of Near-Death Studies 1993 DOI: 10.17514/jnds-1993-11-4-p205-217 (opens in new tab)
Study at a glance
AI-extracted from the abstract| Characteristics | Qualitative study Peer reviewed |
|---|---|
| Sample size | 19 |
| Population | People in India who responded to a newspaper advertisement soliciting accounts from those who had come close to death |
| Topics | Near-death experience |
| Key findings | Of 19 respondents, 8 described NDEs that included tunnels, dark spaces, and bright lights, contrary to earlier Indian reports that found no tunnels; 4 described dreamlike experiences and 7 no experience. Blackmore argues that finding tunnels in India counts against physiological theories that predict tunnels should be universal, and that positive life changes followed coming close to death regardless of whether an NDE occurred. |
Abstract
An advertisement in an Indian newspaper solicited accounts from people who had come close to death. Of 19 received, 7 reported no experiences, 4 reported dreamlike experiences, and 8 reported near-death experiences (NDEs). These NDEs were comparable to those reported by Raymond Moody, and included tunnels, dark spaces, and bright lights, contrary to previous reports of Indian cases. Many respondents reported positive life changes regardless of whether or not they had an NDE. It is important to know whether near-death experiences (NDEs) are consistent across cultures, although the evidence at present is very limited. The largest cross-cultural study was carried out by Karlis Osis and Erlendur Haraldsson (1977), who sent out questionnaires to 5,000 doctors and nurses in the United States and interviewed 704 medical personnel in India. They inquired not only about NDEs but about the medical workers' recollections of the experiences told to them by people who were dying. These accounts were secondhand and often told many years after the events. Nonetheless the findings showed that the most common visions were of dead people or religious figures, to a large extent dependent upon the person's religious background. Often the figures seemed to have come to take the person away, and while the Americans were usually willing to go, the Indians more often refused. Susan J. Blackmore, Ph.D., is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Psychology at the University of the West of England. Reprint requests should be addressed to Dr. Blackmore at the Department of Psychology, University of the West of England, St. Matthias College, Bristol BS16 2JP, England. JournM of Near-Dealh Studies, 11(4) Summer 1993 9 1993 Human Sciences Press, Inc. 2 0 5 206 JOURNAL OF NEAR-DEATH STUDIES Although these were accounts from people who did die, they were similar to the few accounts of NDEs in India. Satwant Pasricha and Ian Stevenson (1986) reported 16 cases of NDEs in India, and a common theme was the story of mistaken identity. Religious figures came to take the person away, but then discovered that it was the wrong person. Their cases seemed dramatically different from the type of NDE first described by Raymond Moody (1975). There were no tunnels, no bright lights, and no out-of-body experiences (OBEs), in which the experiencers see their own bodies from a distance. This discrepancy might be used to argue against the universali ty of NDEs, and is particularly important for physiological theories. Some researchers argue that all the features of the NDE can be accounted for in terms of the processes going on in the dying brain, or in the brains of those subjected to severe stress or fear of death. For example, Juan Saavedra-Aguilar and Juan GSmez-Jeria (1989) have presented a neurobiological model of the NDE in which they account for all the features of the NDE in terms of the effects of hypoxia, temporal lobe and limbic system dysfunction, and an imbalance in neurotransmitters. The temporal lobe and limbic system are closely related and have often been implicated in the NDE. For example, direct electrical stimulation of the temporal lobe can give rise to memory flashbacks (Penfield, 1955), and people with many signs of limbic lobe lability are also more prone to religious, psychic, and mystical experiences (Persinger, 1983). Various neurotransmitters and neuromodulators have been implicated in NDEs. For example, Daniel Carr (1982) was the first to suggest that endogenous opiates, or endorphins, would be released during the stress of a near-death event and could account for the peaceful and joyful feelings. Moreover, endorphins lower the threshold for seizure activity in the limbic system and temporal lobe, and so can trigger the kind of limbic lobe syndrome often compared to NDEs. On the other hand, Melvin Morse, David Venecia, and Jerrold Milstein (1989) have argued that serotonin mechanisms are more likely to provide an explanation than endorphins. None of these theories directly addresses the origin of the tunnel. In his early study of 102 people who had come close to death, Kenneth Ring (1980) found that 23 percent had '~entered the darkness" and 16 percent saw the light. These experiences are often equated with the more obvious tunnels in which people describe flying through dark spaces, or even through pipes or tubes. Tom Troscianko and I have argued that the tunnel can be produced by any mechanism that causes disinhibition and consequent random firing in the cortex (Blackmore and Troscianko, 1989). SUSAN J. BLACKMORE 207 The way cells in the visual cortex are organized, with many more cells devoted to the central a rea of the visual field, means that random firing would produce a much brighter impression in the center of the field of view, fading out towards the periphery: in other words, a tunnel pattern. This could be overlaid on, or mixed with, ongoing imagery to produce the complex tunnel experiences found in NDEs. Anoxia could be one of the triggers to produce such inhibition. There might be variat ion in the imagery overlaid on the tunnel, but the basic tunnel form should be equally common in all cultures regardless of beliefs or religious background. The universali ty of the tunnel experience has been challenged by what little cross-cultural evidence there is. Pasricha and Stevenson (1986) found no tunnels among their 16 Indian cases, nor among further cases still being investigated (I. Stevenson, personal communication, 1992). If this lack of tunnels in a different culture were confirmed, it would provide evidence against the physiological theories. I should point out that some alternative nonphysiological theories also predict that tunnels should be widespread. For example, Ring's (1980) holographic theory might predict that everyone should see the light of the hologram. Theories that equate the NDE with reliving birth might predict that everyone should re-experience traveling down the birth canal. However, if features such as tunnels and lights were not found in different cultures, those theories might still survive, since their predictions are not very clear. By contrast, the physiological theories make a much clearer prediction, and evidence of a cultural bias in tunnels would be evidence against them. For these reasons I wanted to collect accounts of near-death encounters from India. The aim was to solicit accounts from people who had come close to death, without suggesting what experiences I was interested in, and to see whether any people spontaneously described tunnels or bright lights. This study was not designed to explore other aspects of the NDE, but in fact many respondents described in great detail the effects their experiences had on them. The aftereffects of NDEs have been well documented (Grey, 1985; Lorimer, 1990; Ring, 1984). Generally NDErs report that their fear of death is reduced or abolished altogether, an effect that was reported even before Moody's work popularized the NDE (Dobson, Tattersfield, Adler, and McNicol, 1971; Druss and Kornfeld, 1967). More recently Charles Flynn (1982) surveyed 21 NDErs and found that an increase in concern for others was the most consistent effect. However, it is becoming increasingly clear tha t you do not need to have an NDE to experience these changes. Having similar experi208 JOURNAL OF NEAR-DEATH STUDIES ences, such as OBEs (Gabbard and Twemlow, 1984) or encounters with unidentified flying objects (Davis, 1988; Ring, 1992), can have comparable effects, as can coming close to death but without an NDE (Ring, 1980). Therefore it made sense to compare the aftereffects in this sample with those from previous reports.
Comparable studies
Other qualitative studies on near-death experience, most cited first.
| Study | Year | Design | Participants |
|---|---|---|---|
| Qualitative thematic analysis of the phenomenology of near-death experiences Cardiac arrest survivors | 2018 | Qualitative study | n = 34 |
| Do Suicide Survivors Report Near-Death Experiences? Persons who had been close to death as a result of a suicide attempt | 1982 | Qualitative study | n = 36 |
| The evolving self: finding meaning in near-death experiences using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis Female participants who had near-death experiences | 2008 | Qualitative study | n = 3 |
| Investigation of the phenomenology, physiology and impact of spiritually transformative experiences - kundalini awakening. Persons having a spiritually transformative experience (e.g., spontaneous energetic... | 2021 | Qualitative study | |
| Near-death experiences and religion: A further investigation Near-death experiencers | 1984 | Qualitative study | n = 40 |